Traditional Persian sodomite Islamic values
One of the most prominent scholars of Persian poetry, Cyrus Shamisa:
“It was essentially a homoerotic oeuvre.”
Legal faggot whorehouses (amrad khane) were established as a norm and were taxed in Safavid Persia (1501-1722), and in Hotak, Azad, Afsharid, Zand and Qajar Persia. They were legally banned by Reza Shah in his campaigns against sodomites and the Ulluma (clergy). Amrad khane are still widespread across the Persian world (Iran; Twelver Shia Lebanon, Syria and Iraq; Afghanistan.) Young beardless males (amrad/ghulam) constitute a separate sexual category in Persian poetry – desired, depicted and described as “the beloved”. Reflecting the belief that pretty catamites manifest the greatness of God, the trap is referred to as a shahid – a witness to God’s beauty.
In the Persian poetry of Attar (d. 1220), Rumi (d.1273), Sa’di (d. 1291), Hafez (d.1389), Jami (d.1492), and Iraj Mirza (d. 1926), homoerotic ideals are evoked, as well as explicit references to the beauty of young men and their ideally rosy-pink assholes.
Shah Tahmasb II (r. 1736-47) “preferred one Joseph-faced to thousands of Zulaykhas and Laylis and Shirins.”
The court painter Bihzad “could not live a moment without ruby-red wine and ruby-red lips of a wine-bearer.”
Turks and Arabs are into grabbing normal-looking little boys and fucking their asses like animals to make them bleed. Turk and Arab boys just accept it and think of themselves as lucky if they can at least get some cash up front for their dirty asses.
Persian sodomites like their boys to sashay like bitches, like to dress them up and be perfumed, and like to kiss them and slide the dick in slowly. Persian boys dream about distinguished-looking bearded lovers showering them with gifts and making sweet love to them all night long.
Faggot whorehouses were banned in the Arab vilayets (Iraq now) that were taken over by the British.
The “Liberal” movements of the late-19th and early 20th centuries was largely driven by Iranians who were disgusted by the rampant faggotry of traditional Islamic society.
Mirza Agha Khan Kermani, one of the 19th century intellectuals:
“Men are naturally inclined toward socializing with and enjoying the companionship of women. If a people is forbidden from this great blessing and is deprived of this great deliverance, then inevitably the problem of sexual acts with boys and young male slaves is created, because boys without facial hair resemble women, and it is for this reason that in the Iranian people/nation this grave condition has reached saturation. And the ground for this situation is the veiling of women that has become established in Iran. Sa’adi of Shiraz and the obscene and shameful Qa’ani and other Iranian poets have big collections of [shit-fucking, boy-lusting] poetry that prove my word and relieve me of further explication.”
The Kikes in “Israel” and the French and American ZOGs were all anti-Shah, and pro-Khomeini, pro-Islamic-Republic.
The Kikes in “Israel” and the French and American ZOGs were all anti-Shah, and pro-Khomeini, pro-Islamic-Republic.
America’s secret engagement with Khomeini
By Kambiz Fattahi
BBC Persian Service
3 June 2016
On 27 January, 1979, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini – founder of Iran’s Islamic Republic, the man who called the United States “the Great Satan” – sent a secret message to Washington.
From his home in exile outside Paris, the defiant leader of the Iranian revolution effectively offered the Carter administration a deal: Iranian military leaders listen to you, he said, but the Iranian people follow my orders.
If President Jimmy Carter could use his influence on the military to clear the way for his takeover, Khomeini suggested, he would calm the nation. Stability could be restored, America’s interests and citizens in Iran would be protected.
At the time, the Iranian scene was chaotic. Protesters clashed with troops, shops were closed, public services suspended. Meanwhile, labour strikes had all but halted the flow of oil, jeopardising a vital Western interest.
Persuaded by Carter, Iran’s autocratic ruler, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, known as the Shah, had finally departed on a “vacation” abroad, leaving behind an unpopular prime minister and a military in disarray – a force of 400,000 men with heavy dependence on American arms and advice.
Khomeini feared the nervous military: its royalist top brass hated him. Even more worrying, they were having daily meetings with a US Air Force General by the name of Robert E Huyser, whom President Carter had sent on a mysterious mission to Tehran.
The ayatollah was determined to return to Iran after 15 years in exile and make the Shah’s “vacation” permanent. So he made a personal appeal.
In a first-person message, Khomeini told the White House not to panic at the prospect of losing a strategic ally of 37 years and assured them that he, too, would be a friend.
“You will see we are not in any particular animosity with the Americans,” said Khomeini, pledging his Islamic Republic will be “a humanitarian one, which will benefit the cause of peace and tranquillity for all mankind”.
Khomeini’s message is part of a trove of newly declassified US government documents – diplomatic cables, policy memos, meeting records – that tell the largely unknown story of America’s secret engagement with Khomeini, an enigmatic cleric who would soon inspire Islamic fundamentalism and anti-Americanism worldwide.
This story is a detailed account of how Khomeini brokered his return to Iran using a tone of deference and amenability towards the US that has never before been revealed.
The ayatollah’s message was, in fact, the culmination of two weeks of direct talks between his de facto chief of staff and a representative of the US government in France – a quiet process that helped pave the way for Khomeini’s safe return to Iran and rapid rise to power – and decades of high-stakes tension between Iran and America.
In the official Iranian narrative of the revolution, Khomeini bravely defied the United States and defeated “the Great Satan” in its desperate efforts to keep the Shah in power.
But the documents reveal that Khomeini was far more engaged with the US than either government has ever admitted. Far from defying America, the ayatollah courted the Carter administration, sending quiet signals that he wanted a dialogue and then portraying a potential Islamic Republic as amenable to US interests.
Two days after the Shah departed Tehran, the US told a Khomeini envoy that they were – in principle – open to the idea of changing the Iranian constitution, effectively abolishing the monarchy. And they gave the ayatollah a key piece of information – Iranian military leaders were flexible about their political future.
Israeli support for Iran consisted of several elements:
Arms sales to Iran that totaled an estimated $500 million from 1981 to 1983 according to the Jafe Institute for Strategic Studies at Tel Aviv University. Most of it was paid for by Iranian oil delivered to Israel. According to Ahmad Haidari, an Iranian arms dealer working for the Khomeini regime, roughly 80% of the weaponry bought by Tehran originated in Israel.
Arms shipments from the U.S. to Iran in the Iran-Contra Affair were facilitated by Israel.
Iran bombed Iraq’s Osirak nuclear reactor which set back Iraq’s nuclear program, but only damaged secondary buildings. Israel finished the job in 1981
Israel is also reported to have supplied instructors and non-armaments help to Iran for the war effort.
According to Mark Phythian, the fact “that the Iranian air force could function at all” after Iraq’s initial attack and “was able to undertake a number of sorties over Baghdad and strike at strategic installations” was “at least partly due to the decision of the Reagan administration to allow Israel to channel arms of US origin to Iran to prevent an easy and early Iraqi victory.”
1981: “Israel” sold The Islamic Republic of Iran US$75 million worth of arms from stocks of Israel Military Industries, Israel Aircraft Industries and Israel Defense Forces stockpiles
Materiel included 150 M-40 antitank guns with 24,000 shells for each gun, spare parts for tank and aircraft engines, 106 mm, 130 mm, 203 mm and 175 mm shells and TOW missiles. This material was transported first by air by Argentine airline Transporte Aéreo Rioplatense and then (after the 1981 Armenia mid-air collision) by ship.
Israeli arms dealer Yaacov Nimrodi signed a deal with Iran’s Ministry of National Defense to sell $135,842,000 worth of arms, including Lance missiles, Copperhead shells and Hawk missiles.
In March 1982, The New York Times cited documents indicating that Israel had supplied half or more of all arms reaching Tehran in the previous 18 months, amounting to at least $100 million in sales.
The Milan weekly Panorama reported that Israel had sold the Khomeini regime 45,000 Uzi submachine guns, anti-tank missile launchers, missiles, howitzers and aircraft replacement parts. “A large part of the booty from the PLO during the 1982 Lebanon campaign wound up in Tehran,” the magazine claimed.
According to John Bulloch, in 1983, Israel sold more than 100 million dollars worth of arms to Tehran. The volume or arms sale was so great that a special office was instituted in Cyprus to facilitate the arms transfer.
The most well known of the middle men facilitating the arms deal was Saudi billionaire Adnan Khashoggi.
The most well known Iranian middle man was Manucher Ghorbanifar.
A report appeared in 1981 in Cyprus weekly showing that Larnaka airport was used to transfer Israeli arms to Tehran.
A report by New York Times in 18 March 1982 stated that Israeli officials admitted that arms had been sold to Tehran and Khomeini himself had approved of the arms deal with Israel.
Ariel Sharon, Israel’s defense minister, was first to disclose Israeli sale of military equipment to Iran during his visit to United States in 1982.
In the news conference in Paris on September 28, 1983 Sharon said that Israel was selling arms to Iran with the consent of United States.
Israeli ambassador to the United States Moshe Arens said in October 1982 that Israeli arms sale to Iran was taking place with the consent of highest levels of US government.
In 1983 a french newspaper provided photocopies of the contract for sale of more than 135$ million dollars worth of missiles and shells to Iran from Israel.
In 1986 New York Times provided another report on Israeli arms transfer to Iran in which the writer reported of a multi billion dollar project for surface to surface missiles with Iran.
According to John Bulloch and Harvey Morris, the Israelis devised and manufactured the huge, lightweight polystyrene blocks which the Iranian assault forces carried with them to build instant makeshift causeways across the shallow Iraqi water defences in front of Basra; Israel kept Iranian planes flying in spite of a lack of spares; and Israeli instructors taught Iranian commanders how to handle troops.
Despite all the speeches of Iranian leaders and the denunciation of Israel at Friday prayers, there were never less than around one hundred Israeli advisers and technicians in Iran at any time throughout the war, living in a carefully guarded and secluded camp just north of Tehran, where they remained even after the ceasefire.
In August 1982 Aerospace Daily reported that Israel’s support was “crucial” to keeping Iran’s air force flying against Iraq.
Israeli sales also included spare parts for U.S.-made F-4 Phantom jets.
Newsweek reported that after an Iranian defector landed his F-4 Phantom jet in Saudi Arabia in 1984, intelligence experts determined that many of its parts had originally been sold to Israel, and had then been re-exported to Tehran in violation of U.S. law.
According to David Menashri of Tel Aviv University, a leading expert on Iran, “Throughout the 1980s, no one in Israel said anything about an Iranian threat – the word wasn’t even uttered.” Despite the anti-Israeli rhetoric publicly displayed by Iran, in actuality, the two nations secretly depended upon the support of one another
Kike Marc Rich, an International Israeli financier and trader, was instrumental in selling arms to Iran. After the revolution, Iranian government faced significant difficulties selling oil to international markets as most European companies left Iran. Marc Rich sent his Glencore executives to Iran one week after the revolution and became the most important trader of Iranian oil for 15 years. In his autobiography, The King of Oil, Rich has stated that he sold arms to Iran in exchange for selling Iranian oil to Israel through a secret pipeline. He stated that both governments were aware of this transaction. For these actions and violating the Iranian sanctions, Rich was put on FBI’s most wanted list for many years until Bill Clinton pardoned him in his last day in office. Former Mossad head’s Avner Azular and Shabbtai Shevit both personally wrote to Clinton for his pardon.
When he banned music from TV and radio.
Khomeini funded international jihadi revolution and terror, with the goal of global domination for Shia Islam, but couldn’t even convince his own family to support the Islamic Republic.
[*] Wikipedia discussion re the quote, “A man can have sexual pleasure from a child as young as a baby. However, he should not penetrate; sodomising the child is okay. If the man penetrates and damages the child then he should be responsible for her su
bsistence all her life. This girl, however, does not count as one of his four permanent wives. The man will not be eligible to marry the girl’s sister.” :